By Jennifer Clark
This can be an interesting learn of the tales of racial awakening in Australia that marked the arrival of the 'wind of change'. via rigorous learn, the writer indicates how supporters of Indigenous Australians and their struggles for equality driven Australia into the 60s - actually and figuratively. The publication additionally places the Australian event of the 60s into a world point of view, portrayed as special yet now not in isolation. learn more... summary: this can be an interesting examine of the tales of racial awakening in Australia that marked the arriving of the 'wind of change'. via rigorous learn, the writer exhibits how supporters of Indigenous Australians and their struggles for equality driven Australia into the 60s - actually and figuratively. The booklet additionally places the Australian event of the 60s into a world viewpoint, portrayed as designated yet no longer in isolation
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Additional resources for Aborigines & activism : race & the coming of the sixties to Australia
Australia’s Attorney-General and Minister for External Aﬀairs, HV Evatt, sponsored the amendments to the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals of 1944. ³⁸ Evatt’s interest in this amendment was transparent: Australia’s relationship with Papua New Guinea was tense and open to criticism, the condition of the indigenous population was precarious and the White Australia Policy was notorious internationally. According to Paul Hasluck, another member of the San Francisco delegation who would later become Minister for Territories in the Menzies government, domestic jurisdiction was not Evatt’s idea, nor did he take it up until the implications for White Australia were made clear to him.
In parliament, the Labor member for East Sydney, Eddie Ward, also rejected Menzies’ restraint. Ward was a prominent left-wing Labor politician who joined the Labor Party at sixteen after already organising a strike at school. ’ ⁷⁷ Ward inferred from Menzies’ pedantic, legalistic position a general attitude towards apartheid itself. Menzies was opposed to apartheid but he was not prepared to challenge the principle of domestic jurisdiction. The issue here is one of feeling, not substance. Ward wanted Menzies to feel more strongly on matters of race than he did, or perhaps was capable of feeling, in contrast to the increasingly passionate response of more and more people as the 1960s progressed.
Menzies could not or chose not to feel the ‘wind of change’. ⁴⁶ Menzies failed to see that the response to Sharpeville in particular, and apartheid in general, represented something much more vigorous than mere ‘temporary feeling’. The same conservatism marked South African debate. Ironically, on 21 March, the very day the Sharpeville massacre took place, the South African Parliament discussed Macmillan’s February speech for the ﬁrst time. For eight hours the House debated the racial and political implications of Macmillan’s comments.
Aborigines & activism : race & the coming of the sixties to Australia by Jennifer Clark